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While the main goal of the plotters was to remove Hitler from power, they did so for various reasons. The majority of the group behind the 20 July plot were conservative nationalists and did not necessarily believe in democratic ideas.
Among demands issued by the plotters towards the Allies were such points as re-establishment of Germany's boundaries with Belgium, France and Poland and no reparations.
Plotters' demands meant annexation to pre Germany of 70, square kilometers of non-German territory, especially the disputed Polish areas; it seems highly unlikely that the Allies would have accepted such enormous demands.
They believed that Europe should be controlled under German hegemony . The overall goals towards Poland were mixed within the plotters.
Most of the plotters found it desirable to restore the old German borders from , while others pointed out that the demands were unrealistic and amendments had to be made.
To Poland, which was fighting as an ally with both its army and government in exile, the vast territorial demands and traditional nationalistic visions of resistance made the plotters lose all credibility, and Poles saw little difference between them and racist policies of Hitler.
But I have no fear that this will not occur. Many members of the plot had helped the Nazis gain power and shared revisionist foreign policy goals pursued by Hitler, and even at the time of the plot were anti-democratic, hoping to replace Hitler with a conservative-authoritarian government, which would be ruled by elites.
They opposed popular legitimation or mass participation in governance of the state. By mid, the tide of war was turning decisively against Germany.
The army plotters and their civilian allies became convinced that Hitler should be assassinated, so that a government acceptable to the western Allies could be formed, and a separate peace negotiated in time to prevent a Soviet invasion of Germany.
In August , Tresckow met, for the first time, a young staff officer named Lieutenant Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg. Severely wounded in North Africa, Claus von Stauffenberg was a political conservative, a zealous German nationalist, and a Roman Catholic.
From early , he had come to share two basic convictions with many military officers: After the Battle of Stalingrad in December , despite his religious scruples, he concluded that the Führer's assassination was a lesser moral evil than Hitler's remaining in power.
When Tresckow was assigned to the Eastern Front, Stauffenberg took charge of planning and executing the assassination attempt.
Olbricht now put forward a new strategy for staging a coup against Hitler. The Replacement Army Ersatzheer had an operational plan called Operation Valkyrie , which was to be used in the event that the disruption caused by the Allied bombing of German cities caused a breakdown in law and order, or an uprising by the millions of forced labourers from occupied countries now being used in German factories.
Olbricht suggested that this plan could be used to mobilise the Reserve Army for the purpose of the coup. In August and September , Tresckow drafted the "revised" Valkyrie plan and new supplementary orders.
A secret declaration began with these words: A treacherous group of party leaders has attempted to exploit the situation by attacking our embattled soldiers from the rear in order to seize power for themselves.
Previously, it was believed that Stauffenberg was mainly responsible for the Valkyrie plan, but documents recovered by the Soviet Union after the war and released in suggest that the plan was developed by Tresckow by autumn of Both women wore gloves to avoid leaving fingerprints.
The first plan was to shoot him during dinner at the army base camp, but this plan was aborted because it was widely believed that Hitler wore a bullet-proof vest.
The conspirators also considered poisoning him, but this was not possible because his food was specially prepared and tasted.
They concluded that a time bomb was the only option. Operation Valkyrie could only be put into effect by General Friedrich Fromm , commander of the Reserve Army, so he must either be won over to the conspiracy or in some way neutralised if the plan was to succeed.
Fromm, like many senior officers, knew in general about the military conspiracies against Hitler but neither supported them nor reported them to the Gestapo.
During and early von Tresckow and von Stauffenberg organised at least five attempts to get one of the military conspirators near enough to Hitler, for long enough to kill him with hand grenades, bombs, or a revolver:.
As the war situation deteriorated, Hitler no longer appeared in public and rarely visited Berlin. He spent most of his time at his headquarters at the Wolfsschanze near Rastenburg in East Prussia , with occasional breaks at his Bavarian mountain retreat Obersalzberg near Berchtesgaden.
In both places he was heavily guarded and rarely saw people he did not know or trust. Himmler and the Gestapo were increasingly suspicious of plots against Hitler and rightly suspected the officers of the General Staff, which was indeed the source of many conspiracies against Hitler.
By the summer of , the Gestapo was closing in on the conspirators. When Stauffenberg sent Tresckow a message through Lieutenant Heinrich Graf von Lehndorff-Steinort asking whether there was any reason for trying to assassinate Hitler given that no political purpose would be served, Tresckow's response was: Even if it fails, we must take action in Berlin.
For the practical purpose no longer matters; what matters now is that the German resistance movement must take the plunge before the eyes of the world and of history.
Compared to that, nothing else matters. Himmler had at least one conversation with a known oppositionist when, in August , the Prussian Finance Minister Johannes Popitz , who was involved in Goerdeler's network, came to see him and offered him the support of the opposition if he would make a move to displace Hitler and secure a negotiated end to the war.
It is possible that Himmler, who by late knew that the war was unwinnable, allowed the plot to go ahead in the knowledge that if it succeeded he would be Hitler's successor, and could then bring about a peace settlement.
Popitz was not alone in seeing in Himmler a potential ally. General von Bock advised Tresckow to seek his support, but there is no evidence that he did so.
Goerdeler was apparently also in indirect contact with Himmler via a mutual acquaintance, Carl Langbehn.
Wilhelm Canaris biographer Heinz Höhne suggests that Canaris and Himmler were working together to bring about a change of regime, but this remains speculation.
Tresckow and the inner circle of plotters had no intention of removing Hitler just to see him replaced by the dreaded and ruthless SS chief, and the plan was to kill them both if possible — to the extent that Stauffenberg's first attempt on 11 July was aborted because Himmler was not present.
This position enabled Stauffenberg to attend Hitler's military conferences, either at the Wolfsschanze in East Prussia or at Berchtesgaden , and would thus give him an opportunity, perhaps the last that would present itself, to kill Hitler with a bomb or a pistol.
Meanwhile, new key allies had been gained. These included General Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel , the German military commander in France, who would take control in Paris when Hitler was killed and, it was hoped, negotiate an immediate armistice with the invading Allied armies.
The plot was now fully prepared. However, Stieff felt unable to kill Hitler. Stauffenberg now decided to do both: On 14 July Stauffenberg attended Hitler's conferences carrying a bomb in his briefcase, but because the conspirators had decided that Heinrich Himmler and Hermann Göring should be killed simultaneously if the planned mobilisation of Operation Valkyrie was to have a chance to succeed, he held back at the last minute because Himmler was not present.
In fact, it was unusual for Himmler to attend military conferences. By 15 July, when Stauffenberg again flew to the Wolfsschanze , this condition had been dropped.
The plan was for Stauffenberg to plant the briefcase with the bomb in Hitler's conference room with a timer running, excuse himself from the meeting, wait for the explosion, then fly back to Berlin and join the other plotters at the Bendlerblock.
Operation Valkyrie would be mobilised, the Reserve Army would take control of Germany and the other Nazi leaders would be arrested.
Beck would be appointed provisional head of state, Goerdeler would be chancellor, and Witzleben would be commander-in-chief of the armed forces. Again on 15 July the attempt was called off at the last minute.
Himmler and Göring were present, but Hitler was called out of the room at the last moment. Stauffenberg was able to intercept the bomb and prevent its discovery.
On 18 July rumours reached Stauffenberg that the Gestapo had knowledge of the conspiracy and that he might be arrested at any time—this was apparently not true, but there was a sense that the net was closing in and that the next opportunity to kill Hitler must be taken because there might not be another.
In the morning of 20 July Stauffenberg flew back to the Wolfsschanze for another Hitler military conference, once again with a bomb in his briefcase.
It was slow going due to war wounds that had cost Stauffenberg an eye, his right hand, and two fingers on his left hand.
Interrupted by a guard knocking on the door advising him that the meeting was about to begin, he was not able to prime the second bomb, which he gave to his aide-de-camp , Werner von Haeften.
Stauffenberg placed the single primed bomb inside his briefcase and, with the unwitting assistance of Major Ernst John von Freyend , entered the conference room containing Hitler and 20 officers, positioning the briefcase under the table near Hitler.
It is presumed that Colonel Heinz Brandt , who was standing next to Hitler, used his foot to move the briefcase aside by pushing it behind the leg of the conference table,  thus unwittingly deflecting the blast from Hitler but causing his own demise and the loss of one of his legs when the bomb detonated.
More than 20 people were injured with three officers later perishing. Hitler survived, as did everyone else who was shielded from the blast by the conference table leg.
His trousers were singed and tattered see photograph below and he suffered from a perforated eardrum, as did most of the other 24 people in the room.
Stauffenberg was seen leaving the conference building by Kurt Salterberg, a soldier on guard duty who did not consider this out of the ordinary as attendees sometimes left to collect documents.
He then saw a "massive" cloud of smoke, wood splinters and paper and men being hurled through a window and door. He then climbed into a staff car with his aide Werner von Haeften and managed to bluff his way past three checkpoints to exit the Wolfsschanze complex.
Werner von Haeften then tossed the second unprimed bomb into the forest as they made a dash for Rastenburg airfield, reaching it before it could be realised that Stauffenberg could be responsible for the explosion.
By the time Stauffenberg's aircraft reached Berlin about As a result, the plot to mobilise Operation Valkyrie would have no chance of succeeding once the officers of the Reserve Army knew that Hitler was alive.
There was more confusion when Stauffenberg's aircraft landed and he phoned from the airport to say that Hitler was in fact dead.
Keitel demanded to know Stauffenberg's whereabouts. This told Fromm that the plot had been traced to his headquarters, and that he was in mortal danger.
Fromm replied that he thought Stauffenberg was with Hitler. Meanwhile, Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel , military governor of occupied France , managed to disarm the SD and SS, and captured most of their leadership.
He travelled to Günther von Kluge 's headquarters and asked him to contact the Allies, only to be informed that Hitler was alive.
Fromm, presumably to protect himself, changed sides and attempted to have Stauffenberg arrested. Olbricht and Stauffenberg restrained him at gunpoint and Olbricht then appointed General Erich Hoepner to take over his duties.
By this time Himmler had taken charge of the situation and had issued orders countermanding Olbricht's mobilisation of Operation Valkyrie. In many places the coup was going ahead, led by officers who believed that Hitler was dead.
General Karl Freiherr von Thüngen was appointed in his place, but proved to be of little help. General Fritz Lindemann , who was supposed to make a proclamation to the German people over the radio, failed to appear and as he held the only copy, Beck had to work on a new one.
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